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go in for) the law

  • 1 sęgnǫti

    sęgnǫti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `reach for, attain'
    Old Church Slavic:
    \{1\}
    Russian:
    sjagnút' (Da l') `reach for, attain' [verb]
    Czech:
    sáhnouti `touch, reach for' [verb]
    Slovak:
    siahnut' `reach for' [verb]
    Polish:
    sięgnąć `reach for, reach' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ségnuti `reach' [verb];
    sȅgnuti se (Vuk) `reach for' [verb]
    Slovene:
    sę́gniti `reach for' [verb], sę̑gnem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: se(n)g
    Comments: According to Kortlandt (1988: 389), the fact that Winter's law apparently did not operate in this verb is due to the cluster *- ngn-, which blocked the law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Only prefixed verbs, e.g. prisęgnǫti (Supr.) `touch'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > sęgnǫti

  • 2 glistъ

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glistъ

  • 3 glīstà

    glístъ; glīstà Grammatical information: m. o; f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `worm'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 128-129
    Russian:
    glist `intestinal worm' [m o], glistá [Gens]
    Belorussian:
    hlist `intestinal worm' [m o], hlistá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    hlyst `intestinal worm' [m o], hlystá [Gens]
    Czech:
    hlíst `intestinal worm' [m o];
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    hlísta `intestinal worm' [f ā]
    Polish:
    glista `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋsta (Orbanići) `worm' [f ā];
    Čak. glȋs (Orbanići) `worm' [f i], glȋsti [f i]
    Slovene:
    glísta `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    glist `intestinal worm, earth-worm' [m o]
    Lithuanian:
    glaĩstas `layer of clay, plaster' [m o] 2/4
    Indo-European reconstruction: glH₁it-to-??
    Comments: Though masculine o-stems belonging to AP (b) in principle continue old neuters, I am uncertain of this holds for original oxytona, i.e. words that were already oxytone before Dybo's law. Here the reconstruction of an old oxytonon may account for the unexpected absence of a laryngeal in the root, which can now be attributed to the Early Slavic loss of laryngeals in pretonic position. In view of Hirt's law, which would have generated root stress, a reconstruction with a zero grade (*glh1it-tó) is preferable. The semantically different Lith. glaĩstas probably contains a old neuter.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > glīstà

  • 4 mogti

    mogti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `be able'
    Page in Trubačev: XIX 107-111
    Old Church Slavic:
    mošti `be able' [verb], mogǫ [1sg], možetъ [3sg]
    Russian:
    moč' `be able' [verb], mogú [1sg], móžet [3sg]
    Czech:
    moci `be able' [verb], mohu [1sg], může [3sg]
    Slovak:
    môct' `be able' [verb], môžem [1sg]
    Polish:
    móc `be able' [verb], mogę [1sg], może [3sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mòći `be able' [verb], mògu [1sg], mȍžē [3sg];
    Čak. mȍći (Vrgada) `be able' [verb], mȏgu [1sg], mȍže [3sg];
    Čak. mȍć (Orbanići) `can, be able (to), be allowed (to)' [verb], mȍren [1sg]
    Slovene:
    móči `be able, must' [verb], mǫ́rem [1sg], mórem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    móga `be able, be allowed' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: mog-
    Lithuanian:
    magė́ti `please, interest' \{1\} [verb], mãga [3sg]
    Old Prussian:
    massi `be able \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mogʰ-
    IE meaning: be able, capable
    Page in Pokorny: 695
    Comments: The generally accepted apophonic relationship between Slavic *mogti, Lith. magė́ti etc. on the one hand and mė́gti `love, like', Latv. mêgt `be able, be accustomed to' on the other cannot be maintained if one adheres to the view that the lengthened grade yielded a Balto-Slavic circumflex. The acute of the latter verbs may be due to Winter's law (*h₁meǵ- if cognate with Gk. περιημεκτέω `be aggrieved, chafe'). The o-vocalism of magė́ti and the Slavic and the Germanic forms points to an old perfect. For the semantic development `to be able' -> `to like', cf. Go. mag vs. MoHG mögen. As Pokorny remarks himself, his reconstruction *magʰ-, māgʰ- is entirely based on the presumed connection of the aforementioned forms with Gk. μηχανή `means, instrument', μη̃χος `instrument, apparatus', Dor. μᾱχᾱνα, μα̃ χος, which was rejected by Endzelīns (1931: 183), Fraenkel (1951, 168), Stang (1972, 37) a.o. for various reasons (cf. ESSJa X: 110) but nevertheless reappears in Lehmann 1986 (239).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. maghá- `power, wealth, gift'
    ;
    Go. mag `have power, be able' [3sg];
    OIc. mega `be able' [verb], má [3sg];
    OHG magan, mugan `be able' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The verb usually occurs in impersonal constructions. \{2\} The scholarly community is divided with respect to the question whether massi is a borrowing from Slavic (viz. Polish może) or a genuine Prussian form (see Mažiulis III: 114 for the relevant literature).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mogti

  • 5 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 6 mara

    mara Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `ghost, apparition'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 204-207 \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    mara (RuCS) `ecstasy' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mára, mará `apparition, mirage;
    (dial.) house-sprite, evil spirit' [f ā]
    Belorussian:
    mará, mára `dream, apparition, nightmare;
    (dial.) `witch, demon' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    mará `apparition, ghost, witch' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    mara `ghost, apparition' [f ā]
    Polish:
    Slovincian:
    mara `dream, apparition, ghost' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mara `goddess of illness and death' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    Mára `name of a fairy-tale monster' [f ā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂-reh₂
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 693
    Comments: There are basically two views on the origin of *mara. According to a hypothesis put forward by Franck (1904: 129) and advocated by a.o. Schuster-Šewc (885ff), *mara continues PIE *mōrā and differs from *mora only in having lengthened grade. The alternative etymology, which can at least be traced to Zubatý 1894, connects *mara with the root ma- < *meh₂- of majati, mamъ etc. Though it seems at a first glance unsatisfactory to separate *mara from *mora - in Polish, for instance, mara and mora are synonymous -, it is awkward that in most Slavic languages both apophonic variants would occur side by side. Perhaps we have to start from *mara `illusion, apparition' beside *mora `female demon that tortures people with nightmares', which later became confused. This scenario may also offer an explanation for the fact that the accentual paradigm of both words is so hard to determine. We would expect *màra (a) - in view of Hirt's law - beside *morà (b) or (c). Nevertheless we find forms like Ru. móra and mará (beside mára). I think that in this respect, too, we have to reckon with analogy.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mara

  • 7 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 8 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 9 ȅzero

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzero

  • 10 ȅzerъ

    ȅzero; ȅzerъ Grammatical information: n. o; m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lake'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 33-34
    Old Church Slavic:
    jezero `lake' [n o];
    jezerъ (Zogr., Ass.) `lake' [Accm o]
    Russian:
    ózero `lake' [n o]
    Czech:
    jezero `lake' [n o]
    Slovak:
    jazero `lake' [n o];
    jeźer (E. dial.) `lake' [m o]
    Polish:
    jezioro `lake' [n o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jězer `lake' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȅzero `lake' [n o], jezèra [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero (Vrgada) `lake' [n o], jezerå̃ [Nom p];
    Čak. jȅzero?? (Novi) `lake' [n o], jȅzera [Nom p];
    jȅzēr `lake' [m o]
    Slovene:
    ję̑zerọ `lake' [n o];
    ję̑zer `lake' [m o];
    jezer `lake' [f i]
    Bulgarian:
    ézero `lake' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: éźero
    Lithuanian:
    ẽžeras `lake' [m o] 3b
    Latvian:
    ęzęrs `lake' [m o];
    ęzars `lake' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    assaran `lake' [n]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵʰ-(e)r-o-
    IE meaning: lake
    Certainty: -
    Comments: In view of "Rozwadowski's change", the reconstruction of the anlaut offers a number of alternatives (*h₂e-, *h₃e-, *Ho-), but not if the etymon under discussion belongs to *ězъ `balk, weir', which in my opinion is the case. A cognate outside Balto-Slavic is Arm. ezr `bank, border, limit' < *h₁(e)ǵʰ- (-> *ězъ for the semantic apects of the etymology). Note that the short initial vowel of *jȅzero requires the reconstruction of an aspirated velar anyhow (Winter's law). The connection with the Greek mythological river Α᾽ χέρων is dubious.
    Other cognates:
    Arm. ezr `edge, border, bank' [r]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȅzerъ

  • 11 dě̀verь

    dě̀verь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: a (c) Proto-Slavic meaning: `husband's brother'
    Page in Trubačev: V 19
    Russian:
    déver' `husband's brother' [m jo], dever'já [Nom p] \{1\}
    Old Czech:
    deveř `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    dziewierz `husband's brother' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    djȅvēr `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȉver (Vrgada) `husband's brother, best man' [m o];
    Čak. dȅver (Orbanići) `marriage witness' [m o]
    Slovene:
    dẹvę̑r `husband's brother' [m jo], dẹvȇrja [Gens];
    dẹ́ver `husband's brother, best man' [m o], dẹ́vera [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    déver `husband's brother, best man' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dáʔiuer-
    Lithuanian:
    díeveris `husband's brother' [m i] 1;
    dieverìs `husband's brother' [m i] 3a
    Latvian:
    diẽveris `husband's brother' [m io]
    Indo-European reconstruction: deh₂i-uer-
    IE meaning: husband's brother
    Certainty: +
    Comments: In case-forms with original stress on the suffix one expects root stress as a result of Hirt's law. This accounts for the many indications for root stress in both Baltic and Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. devár- `husband's brother'
    ;
    Gk. δα̑ήρ `husband's brother'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (a) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 138).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dě̀verь

  • 12 dъnò

    dъnò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bottom'
    Page in Trubačev: V 174-175
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъno `bottom' [n o]
    Russian:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Czech:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Polish:
    dno `bottom' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dnȍ `bottom' [n o];
    Čak. dnȍ (Vrgada, Orbanići) `bottom' [n o]
    Slovene:
    dnọ̀ `bottom' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    dắno `bottom, floor' [n o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: dubno
    Lithuanian:
    dùgnas `bottom' [m o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰubʰ-no-
    Certainty: -
    Comments: The Slavic vacillation between root-final *b and *p does not have a Baltic counterpart. In East Baltic, however, the full grade * daub- occurs both with acute and circumflex tone, e.g. Latv. duôbjš `deep'. The acute variant could be attributed to Winter's law, which would be in accordance with PGm. * deupa- `deep'< * dʰeub-, but this would leave us without an explanation for the other forms. The many formal problems connected with this root have made it a prime example of a borrowing from a substratum language (cf. Kuiper 1995).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dъnò

  • 13 slàbъ

    slàbъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `weak'
    Old Church Slavic:
    slabъ `weak' [adj o]
    Russian:
    slábyj `weak' [adj o]
    Czech:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    slabý `weak' [adj o]
    Polish:
    sɫaby `weak' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    slȁb `weak' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf];
    slȁb `weak, bad' [adj o], slàba [Nomsf];
    Čak. slȁb (Vrgada) `weak' [adj o], slabȁ [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn];
    Čak. slȁp (Orbanići) `weak, bad' [adj o], slȁba [Nomsf], slȁbo [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    slàb `weak, bad' [adj o], slába [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    slab `weak, bad' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    slãbnas (Žem.) `weak' [adj o];
    slõbnas (E. Lith.) `weak' [adj o] \{1\}
    Latvian:
    slãbs `weak' [adj o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: slob-o-
    Comments: Though Latv. slãbs matches the Slavic etymon perfectly, I am inclined to regard the Baltic forms as borrowings. Rasmussen (1992: 72) mentions slãbnas as an example of his blocking rule, according to which Winter's law, did not operate for resonants. Since he also claims that Winter's law applied exclusively to the syllable immediately preceding the stress, his version of Winter's law cannot account for PSl. *slàbъ.
    Other cognates:
    MLG slap `weak, slack' [adj]
    Notes:
    \{1\} According to Fraenkel (151), the vocalism of slõbnas may be due to an East Lithuanian development (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 103).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > slàbъ

  • 14 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

  • 15 drobìti

    drobìti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `crumble, crush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 119
    Old Church Slavic:
    droběi (Supr.) `crushing' [pprsa]
    Church Slavic:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, break' [verb]
    Russian:
    drobít' `crush' [verb], drobljú [1sg], drobít [3sg]
    Czech:
    drobiti `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Slovak:
    drobit' `crumble, chop, crush' [verb]
    Polish:
    drobić `crumble' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dròbiti `crush, crumble' [verb], drȍbīm [1sg];
    Čak. drobȉti (Vrgada) `crush, crumble' [verb], drobĩš [2sg];
    Čak. drobȉt (Vrgada) `pulverize, crush' [verb], drobĩn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    drobíti `crumble, mince' [verb], drobím [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    drobjá `crumble' [verb]
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 272
    Comments: LIV (153) reconstructs * dʰreb- on the basis of Germanic forms such as OIc. drepa `beat, kill', OHG treffan `hit'. Since this proto-form is in conflict with Winter's law, I reconstruct *dʰrobʰ-eie- for Slavic. The discrepancy between Slavic may have something to do with the fact that the etymon is of non-Indo-European origin or Kluge's law may have played a role.
    Other cognates:
    Go. gadraban `cut out' [verb] \{1\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Unless this is a mistake for gagraban.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drobìti

  • 16 vodà

    vodà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `water'
    Old Church Slavic:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Russian:
    vodá `water' [f ā], vódu [Accs]
    Czech:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    voda `water' [f ā]
    Polish:
    woda `water' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vòda `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Vrgada, Novi, Hvar) `water' [f ā], vȍdu [Accs];
    Čak. vodȁ (Orbanići) `water' [f ā], vȍdo [Accs]
    Slovene:
    vóda `water' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    vodá `water' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: u̯ondōr
    Lithuanian:
    vanduõ `water' [m n] 3a
    Latvian:
    ûdens `water' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    wundan `water';
    unds `water'
    Indo-European reconstruction: The origin of *vodà is the heteroclitic noun *uod-r/n- `water'. The fact that the etymon was not affected by Winter's law calls for an explanation. Kortlandt (1979: 60-61, cf. 1988: 388-389) claims that the vocalism of * voda continues the Gsg. * (v)undnes of a Balto-Slavic noun * vondōr, with a nasal infix originating from a suffix, as in Latv. unda (cf. Thurneysen 1883). The sequence ndn blocked Winter's law (cf. the regular acute in Lith. vanduõ). The vocalism * vod- arose in Proto-Slavic when *un was lowered before a tautosyllabic stop, which development was followed by the dissimilatory loss of the *n (cf. -> * ogn'ь).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udán- (RV+) `water' [n];
    Hitt. u̯ātar `water' [n], u̯etenas [Gens];
    Gk. ὕδωρ `water' [n];
    Lat. unda `wave' [f];
    Go. wato `water' [n];
    OS watar `water' [n];
    OIc. vatn `water' [n]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vodà

  • 17 drozdъ

    drozdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c (/b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `thrush'
    Page in Trubačev: V 126-127
    Russian:
    drozd `thrush, (čërnyj d. ) blackbird' [m o], drozdá [Gens] \{1\}
    Ukrainian:
    drizd `thrush' [m o], drozdá [Gens]
    Czech:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovak:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Polish:
    drozd `thrush' [m o]
    Slovincian:
    drȯ́u̯zd `thrush' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    drȏzd `thrush' [m o];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȏzga [Gens];
    drȏzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Gens];
    Čak. drȍzak `thrush' [m o], drȍzga [Accs]
    Slovene:
    drǫ̑zd `thrush' [m o];
    drǫ̑zg `thrush, (črni d. ) blackbird' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    drozd `thrush, (coll.) blackbird' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: trozdós
    Lithuanian:
    strãzdas `thrush, (juodasis s.) blackbird, (dial.) starling' [m o] 4
    Latvian:
    strazds `thrush, (melnais s.) blackbird, (mājas s. ) starling' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    tresde `thrush'
    Indo-European reconstruction: trozd-o-
    Comments: In order to explain why * drozdъ was not, or rather only partly affected by the generalization of accentual mobilty in masculine o-stems, Illič-Svityč (1963: 45) reconstructs an u -stem, referring to OIc. ʮrǫstr < *-uz. I am inclined to consider the possibility that owing to the cluster - zd-, which prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction called Ebeling's law, *drozdъ belonged to a marginal oxytone type that in principle merged with AP (b). In that case it is no longer necessary to posit a u-stem. It must be said, by the way, that the evidence for AP (c) seems to outweigh the evidence for (c).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. turdus `thrush'
    ;
    OIr. truit `thrush' [f] \{2\};
    OIc. ʮrǫstr `thrush'
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (c) in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 137). \{2\} OIr. also truid, druid.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drozdъ

  • 18 blě̑dъ

    blě̑dъ Grammatical information: adj. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `pale'
    Page in Trubačev: II 111-112
    Old Church Slavic:
    blědъ `pale' [adj o]
    Russian:
    bledój (dial.) `pale' [adj o];
    blëdyj (dial.) `pale' [adj o]
    Ukrainian:
    blidýj `pale' [adj o]
    Czech:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    bledý `pale' [adj o]
    Polish:
    blady `pale' [adj o]
    Slovincian:
    bladḯ `pale' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    blědy `pale, bright' [adj o]
    Lower Sorbian:
    blědy `pale' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blȉjed `pale' [adj o], blijèda [Nomsf];
    Čak. blȋd (Vrgada) `pale' [adj o], blīdȁ [Nomsf], blȋdo [Nomsn];
    Čak. bliȇt (Orbanići) `pale' [adj o], bliedȁ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    blẹ̑d `pale' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    bled `pale' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bloiʔd-(u̯)ó-
    Lithuanian:
    blaĩvas `whitish, blue, sober' [adj o] 4
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰloid-(u̯)o-
    Page in Pokorny: 160
    Comments: In view of Winter's law, we would expect to find traces of a glottalic element in Balto-Slavic. The accentuation of Lith. blaivas - the Proto-Slavic form is mobile and therefore inconclusive - offers no evidence for an original acute, however. Pokorny's reconstruction *bhlǝido-s is impossible for Slavic and *bhleh₂ido-s is incompatible with the mobile accentuation of the adjective in Balto-Slavic.
    Other cognates:
    OE blāt `pale' [adj];
    OHG bleizza `pallor' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > blě̑dъ

  • 19 ȍlovo

    ȍlovo Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `lead'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 76-77
    Old Church Slavic:
    ólovo (Supr.) `lead' [n o]
    Russian:
    ólovo `tin' [n o]
    Old Russian:
    olovь `tin' [f i]
    Czech:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Slovak:
    olovo `lead' [n o]
    Polish:
    oɫów `lead' [m jo];
    oɫów (obs.) `lead' [m o];
    oɫowo (dial.) `lead' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍlovo lead' [n o];
    Čak. ȍlovo (Vrgada) lead' [n o]
    Slovene:
    olǫ́v `lead' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    élavo (dial.) `lead' [n o] \{1\}
    Lithuanian:
    álvas (DK, Bretk.) `tin' [m o] \{2\}
    Latvian:
    al̂va `tin' [f ā];
    al̂vas `tin' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    alwis (EV) `lead'
    IE meaning: tin, lead
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: -
    Comments: Pokorny derives the Balto-Slavic word for `tin, lead' from *al(ǝ)- `white'. This more or less presupposes that the original meaning was `tin' (plumbum album) rather than `lead' (plumbum nigrum). In view of both the formal problems and the sphere to which this word belong it seems preferable to regard it as a borrowing from an unknown language.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Forms with *(j)e- are limited to Bulgarian, e.g. MBulg. jelovo, Bulg. (dial.) élavo. In Russian dialects, we find a form lov' (Voronež), which may reflect *olvь. The fact that we do not have *lavь < *olHvi-, as we might have expected on the basis of the Baltic forms, can be explained by assuming that the laryngeal was eliminated according to Meillet's law before the metathesis of liquids. \{2\} It's unclear to me on what grounds the LKŽ assigns AP 1 to this word. To my knowledge, the only accented form is áɫwu Isg. (DK), which points to AP 1 or 3. The Modern Lithuanian form ãlavas is a borrowing from Slavic.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȍlovo

  • 20 màti

    màti Grammatical information: f. r Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `mother'
    Page in Trubačev: XVII 254-259
    Old Church Slavic:
    mati `mother' [f r], matere [Gens]
    Russian:
    mat' `mother' [f r], máteri [Gens]
    Old Russian:
    mati `mother' [f r], matere [Gens]
    Old Czech:
    máti `mother' [f r], mateře [Gens]
    Old Polish:
    mać `mother' [f r], macierze [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁti `mother' [f r], mȁterē [Gens];
    Čak. mȁti (Vrgada) `mother' [f r], mȁterē [Gens];
    Čak. mȁt (Novi, Orbanići) `mother' [f r], mȁteri [Gens]
    Slovene:
    máti `mother' [f r], mátere [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: máʔter-
    Lithuanian:
    mótė (OLith, dial.) `wife, mother' [f r] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    mãte `mother' [f ē] \{2\}
    Old Prussian:
    mūti (Ench.) `mother' [f];
    mothe (EV) `mother' [f];
    muti (Gr.) `mother' [f]
    Indo-European reconstruction: meh₂ter-
    IE meaning: mother
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 700ff
    Comments: The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt's law, cf. Skt. mātā́, but there is a distinct possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. μήτηρ.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. mātár- `mother' [f];
    Gk. μήτηρ `mother' [f];
    Lat. māter `mother' [f];
    OHG muoter `mother' [f];
    OIr. máthir `mother' [f];
    Alb. mótrë `sister' [f]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The oldest form of the genitive is móteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects. The most important Standard Lithuanian derivatives are móteris `wife, mother' and mótina `mother'. The form motė̃, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not exist. \{2\} The accentuation mâte (Pokorny) is incorrect.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màti

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